Financial Times
By Andrew Ward
April 25, 2016
What is the value of a human life? It is one of the most
fraught questions in public policy as governments around the world struggle
with rising healthcare costs from ageing populations.
The answer matters not only to patients, taxpayers and
insurers, but also to the pharmaceuticals companies seeking rewards for the
medical advances that have helped double global life expectancy in the past century.
Nowhere is the debate more intense than in the UK, where budget pressure on the National Health Service has capped growth of the annual £12bn drugs bill and created tensions with the often competing interests of the pharma sector.
Together, these developments promise to make the UK a
test of whether austerity-hit western societies can keep up with the quickening
pace of medical innovation. A surge in drug approvals over the past two years
has revived faith in the pharma industry’s productivity after a long fallow
spell and a further wave of products are nearing market, many involving
transformativetechniques targeting faulty genes or modifying cells. Yet the
cost of these advances threatens to increase strain on the NHS as it chases
savings of £22bn by 2020.
It is a dilemma echoed in public health systems across
Europe but also, increasingly, across the Atlantic as the US seeks to keep a
lid on the $3tn it spends each year on healthcare.
At the forefront of pharma
The UK’s importance as a test bed goes beyond its 3 per
cent share of global pharma sales. As home of GlaxoSmithKline and AstraZeneca,
two of Europe’s largest drugmakers, and half the world’s top 10 medical
research universities, according to Times Higher Education, the country punches
above its weight in life sciences. Many of the world’s best-selling drugs
belong to a category called monoclonal antibodies pioneered by UK scientists in
the 1970s and 1980s.
Yet British patients have not always benefited from
homegrown innovation; the country has among the slowest uptake of new drugs in
western Europe. This reflects the tough hurdles created by the National
Institute for Health and Care Excellence, which acts as gatekeeper for
companies seeking access to the NHS for their medicines. The agency, known as
Nice, weighs the price of a treatment versus the benefit to patients measured
by a formula called “quality-adjusted life years added” or qualy. It will not
normally recommend a drug costing more than £30,000 per qualy.
This dispassionate approach to life and death decisions
has given Nice global influence as a model of evidence-based policymaking. Yet
the UK system has many critics, especially among drug companies and patient
groups who see its methodology as too rigid and its £30,000 spending cap as too
low. “Only a very small number of countries operate with such a fixed
threshold,” says Richard Erwin, UK general manager for Roche, the Swiss pharma
group.
The fiercest disputes have involved cancer drugs. These
tend to be very expensive — especially those for advanced or rare forms of the
disease — because companies need to make a return on investment from relatively
small numbers of patients during short periods of treatment. In recognition of
these issues Nice has a higher £50,000-per-qualy threshold for “end of life”
treatments. Even this is often not high enough for modern cancer drugs. Since
2011, the agency has rejected more than half the treatments it has evaluated.
This argument might seem incontestableto academics but
David Cameron, UK prime minister, knew that cancer patients and their families
would not accept it. Alarmed by data showing the UK falling behind other
western European countries in cancer survival rates, he set up a special scheme
in 2010 to provide extra funds for cancer drugs deemed too expensive by Nice.
Since then, 80,000 people have received treatments
through the Cancer Drugs Fund. Without Nice’s scrutiny, there was no pressure
on companies to moderate prices or doctors to moderate use. This resulted in
the cost of the fund soaring from £38m in 2010-11 to £416m in 2014-15 — 50 per
cent over that year’s budget. “The Cancer Drugs Fund shows once and for all
that there is no blank cheque big enough to solve this problem,” says Prof
Claxton.
In an attempt to restore fiscal discipline, NHS England
in February confirmed plans to restore Nice’s power of veto. From July, it will
evaluate all new cancer drugs within 90 days of regulatory approval — faster
than in the past — and issue a “yes, no, or maybe”. The “maybes” — medicines
that show promise but require more evidence — will be financed for up to two
years by a revamped Cancer Drugs Fund. Only if they prove their worth during
that probation period will they be recommended for use.
NHS England say the changes will put cancer care back on
a sustainable footing and ensure money is directed at the most effective
treatments. However, there have been protests from pharma companies and their
allies which fear that without change to Nice’s methodology, most of their
products will be blocked. One charity said cancer care in the NHS risked being
“set back by a generation”. Erik Nordkamp, UK managing director for Pfizer,
said even crisis-hit Greece had wider access to the latest treatments.
Sir Andrew Dillon, Nice chief executive, says there is a
simple remedy: companies should drop their prices. “Unless there is a change in
price or in the quantum of benefits these drugs bring to patients, then the
Nice methodology will result in broadly the same outcomes as before.
Ultimately, it is up to the companies to decide.”
Drugmakers question why they should be expected to offer
further discounts to the UK when it already has among the lowest prices in the
developed world. The industry has paid more than £1bn in rebates to the
Department of Health since a 2013 deal that capped annual growth in the NHS
drugs bill at a below-inflation rate for five years — with companies
collectively reimbursing any spending above the agreed limit.
The fear is that any further squeeze in the UK would have
a knock-on effect on pricing across Europe. This, in turn, would risk
increasing US political scrutiny of the transatlantic divide in drug costs that
can see Americans pay double the price for medicines — due in large part to the
absence of UK-style controls on spending.
There is little immediate prospect of the US setting up a
federal rationing body. However, there are signs that some people are learning
lessons from Nice. New York’s Memorial Sloan Kettering Cancer Center, one of
the leading US cancer hospitals, last year launched an online tool called
DrugAbacus to help healthcare providers assess the value of cancer drugs.
Drug companies are responding by experimenting with
pay-for-performance models tied to how well a medicine works rather than the
volume sold. But Alexander Moscho, UK head of Bayer, the German drugmaker, says
the qualy system is not flexible enough for the new world of personalised
medicines. “It needs a new approach which is not one-size-fits-all.”
Sir Andrew, who has been in charge of Nice since its
launch in 1999, denies that the system is broken. “I would not argue that
Nice’s methodology is perfect but I don’t think there is anything fundamentally
wrong with it either. In terms of being able to do a rigorous evaluation of
what a product offers, I think we do that really well.”
Drug makers have been at loggerheads with Nice since its
first ruling 17 years ago prompted a veiled threat by Glaxo to quit the UK,
saying the decision called “into question the suitability of the UK as a base
for multinational pharmaceuticals operations”. AstraZeneca, which is building a
£330m R&D base in Cambridge, issued a similar rebuke last year when Nice
resisted olaparib, its homegrown ovarian cancer drug. “How can a government say
they want this country to be an innovation centre … yet when we discover new
innovation it doesn’t find a market?” asked Pascal Soriot, chief executive.
For advocates of Nice, these confrontations are proof
that the model has succeeded in creating a neutral arbiter. Pharma leaders,
however, feel there should be more support for an industry that accounts for a
quarter of the UK’s private sector research and development spending.
Open access
It is this stand-off that led Mr Freeman to launch the
accelerated access review last year, led by Sir Hugh Taylor, formerly a senior
civil servant at the health department. His report has been delayed, like much
else in Whitehall, until after the referendum on UK membership of the EU in
June.
It is expected to propose that new medicines showing the
greatest promise should be given early conditional access to NHS patients.
Usage would be gradually expanded as “real world” data are accumulated on
safety and efficacy. In theory, this should lower drug development costs by
reducing time to market and lead to more consensual pricing discussions based
on a clearer picture of the value offered.
“Everyone benefits: companies get a quicker return on a
lower investment and patients get access to medicines faster,” says Stuart
Dollow, an adviser to Sir Hugh’s review. “It is about getting away from the
current adversarial model where industry goes in with a high price knowing it
is going to get negotiated down.”
Pharma companies say they can be part of the solution to
the NHS budget crisis by providing treatments that reduce long-term costs.
Novartis, the Swiss drugmaker, last week reported strong demand in Europe for a
new drug that has shown the potential to cut hospitalisation rates from heart
failure by a fifth.
“We need to stop looking at medicines as a cost and look
at the value they can create for UK plc,” says Mr Thompson. He admits, though,
that the industry will have to be realistic about pricing. “There is a clear
message from government: There is no more money.”